Essay on the Mexican Revolution

For a long time, Latin America and Mexico had suffered from slavery and oppression, neocolonialism and imperialism. Since members of a community took an identical view of their culture, institutionalizing its autonomy risked per­petuating the role of the dominant elite and threatening basic individ­ual liberties to which the wider society could not remain wholly indiffer­ent, especially when disaffected individuals created disorder or asked for help. Mexican Revolution was one of the main steps against the U.S. dictatorship.

Help with Essay on the Mexican Revolution
Help with Essay on the Mexican Revolution

The first attempts had been made in 1911 when Pascual Orozco declared “Chief of the Liberating Revolution”. This manifesto inspired the national self of the population. They confined unity and diversity to separate realms and drew too neat a distinction between the private and public spheres with all the difficulties that these create. Since they viewed diversity as a fact to be accommodated rather than a value to be cherished and leave it to the precarious mercy of the cultural and political marketplace, they also worked to the disadvantage of minor­ity cultures and did not create a climate conducive to cultural diversity. (Rock, 1994). The main political figures who played a dominant role in Revolution were E. Zapata, Porfirio Diaz, M. Gonzalez and Francisco Madero (O’Malley 1986).

Primarily, the Mexican Revolution was an agrarian revolution which changed social landscape of the society. At the beginning of XX century, the Mexican working class was divided into various groups. While this process of the unification of the Mexican working class was well on the way toward realization, General Lázaro Cárdenas became president of the nation and a new era in the history of Mexico and the Mexican labor movement dawned. In characterizing the status of the labor movement during the period from 1910 to 1928, the historians (Rouquié, 1987; Kuecker, 2004) wrote about the natural fear of business enterprise toward the organized labor movement, the numerous strikes and conflicts -many times artificial, the corruption of the labor leaders, the political exploitation of the workers in their electoral masquerades, the spectacles of the fights between unions (jurisdictional disputes), and the radical program of the unions strongly hindered the prestige of the movement among the upper classes (generally hostile), the middle classes (generally indifferent), and even spread confusion and distrust among the workers themselves. According to this authority, the entire country developed a feeling of ill will toward the organized worker movement. “Gonzales presents the revolution as driven by political elites, mainly from northern Mexico, who struggled to contain the more radical impulses from the popular classes, mainly landless peasants and organized labor” (Kuecker 2004, 350).

From social and cultural perspectives, the revolution changed social consciousness of all classes, their understating of freedom and equal rights. In general, the main doctrine for Mexico was a workable basis of social cooperation for liberal democratic societies. In mak­ing this move, they assumed that political cultures of democratic soci­eties were substantially alike, that they were more or less homogeneous, and that their fundamental ideas could be identified with relative ease and without much disagreement (Rock, 1994). The democratic pub­lic culture was neutral between and capable of providing a ‘nondoctrinal basis’ for a society divided by comprehensive doctrines.

The next step was a new post-revolutionary constitution created by the Institutional Revolutionary Party in 1929. This party was turned into the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) and ruled in Mexico till the end of the XX century. The struggle against colonialism gave certain opportunities and resulted in the land reform, worker rights and nationalization of oil and copper industries. The most important was a separation of a church from the state.  Since, however, the society was faced with the common problem of reconciling the demands of unity and diversity (Rouquié, 1987). These principles were not intended to prescribe a model but to act as navi­gational devices. Again, the independence made some sense in an unde­veloped agricultural economy, but none in an industrialized society in which constant social and economic mobility and close interactions between groups broke through the communal barriers and required a shared economic and political life with a common body of rules, norms and practices.  After José Vasconcelos was appointed minister of education following the fall of Carranza, he named Lombardo director of the National Preparatory School, a post regarded as highly important in Mexican culture life, and formerly reserved as a mark of honor for mature men who had achieved fame and distinction. One of the fundamental needs the satisfaction of which the country has for many years been demanding and with ever greater insistence continues to demand, is the improvement of the culture level of the working masses and the physical betterment of the population (Smith, 2004). The obligation of sparing no effort to meet those needs as fully as possible is not exclusively one of the state but also of the workers themselves and of the companies organized for purposes of profit which have obtained and are obtaining large profits from trade, from the manufacturing industries, or from the exploitation of the country’s natural resources. One of the most interesting facts was that Mexican students used poetry and art to speak about their problems ma and expectations fighting against the government. The min changes concerned social and cultural self-identity and new consciousness of people who valued independence and freedom (Markiewicz 1993).

In sum, a century of struggle resulted in emergence of Independent states in Latin America. A wave of rebellions helped Mexico to neutralize the enemy in order to protect their safety. Rebellions were be considered as a rational choice which included its aims, alternatives, consequences and choice. It should be mentioned that alternative types of actions were possible, but without careful and strategic planning such actions would lead to numerous scarifies. Rebellion against neocolonialism was necessary because it drove the national idea and the knowledge not only of the monumental significance of the actions to be undertaken, but also the impact of a free democracy.


References

  1. Markiewicz, D. The Mexican Revolution and the Limits of Agrarian Reform, 1915-1946. Lynne Rienner, 1993
  2. O’Malley. The Myth of the Revolution: Hero Cults and the Institutionalization of the Mexican State: 1920-1940. Greenwood Press, 1986.
  3. Rock, D.  Latin America in the 1940s: War and Postwar Transitions. Berkeley:  University of California Press, 1994.
  4. Rouquié, A. The Military and the State in Latin America. The Regents of the University of California, 1987.
  5. Kuecker, G. D. 2004. The Mexican Revolution, 1910-1940. The Historian, 66, p. 350.
  6. Smith, P. Cycles of Electoral Democracy in Latin America, 1900-2000. Center for Latin American Studies University of California, Berkeley. Cycles of Electoral Democracy in Latin America, 1900-2000. 2004. www.clas.berkeley.edu:7001/Publications/ workingpapers/pdffiles/Smithwithcover.pdf

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